Developments in the South Caucasus and the requirements of strategic relations between Iran and Russia

The announcement of the recent position of senior Russian officials after Vladimir Putins visit to Baku regarding the Zangezur corridor in the South Caucasus region has once again increased the debate about Russias approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran.
8 September 2024
Mohammad Mehdi Mazaheri

The announcement of the recent position of senior Russian officials after Vladimir Putin's visit to Baku regarding the Zangezur corridor in the South Caucasus region has once again increased the debate about Russia's approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran. The story started when after Ukraine's attack on Russian territory, capturing some of its cities and changing the field conditions in the war, the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin, made a two-day visit to the Republic of Azerbaijan for the first time since the start of the war with Ukraine to examine the ways of expanding strategic cooperation and alliance between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Russia. During this visit, among other agreements, Putin also discussed the Zangezur Corridor. Shortly after this visit, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Sergey announced that Moscow supports the quick conclusion of a peace treaty between Baku and Yerevan and the removal of the blockage of the Zangezur corridor.

However, after this position that publicly threatened Iran's national interests, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic summoned the Russian ambassador to Tehran, and the extent of the Islamic Republic's protest was announced to this country. Still, the Russians not only did not give up on this decision; rather, by only stating that Moscow considers Tehran's concerns, they emphasized that Moscow's position regarding the Zangezur Corridor is certain. The only thing they intend to do is to contact Iran for clarification. In other words, they wanted to inform Iran that this decision has been made and the Iranian authorities have no choice but to accept it!

Such a position by Moscow is in a situation where the final text of the Comprehensive Strategic Cooperation Document of the two countries is ready to be signed, and the two countries are preparing to finalize it. However, it seems that Russia's understanding of strategic relations is different from Iran's understanding of this type of relations, and the authorities of this country do not know any limits or red lines except for their national interests and security. According to scientific texts, strategic relations require the existence or compliance of some requirements and components. The necessity of the existence of interests and strategic goals in overlapping fields, the existence of an enemy, common rival, or threat, the existence of understanding about the international system and the rules of activism in it, and the existence of political will in the leaders are some of these components.

However, it seems that Russia has damaged most of these components of strategic cooperation by supporting the Zangezur Corridor. First of all, the opening of the Zangezur Corridor is an action completely against the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, but at the current stage, it is in favor of Russia. With the opening of this corridor, Iran's strategic communication with Europe will be interrupted. In addition, Iran will not have control over this route and will naturally lose the right to transit goods. On the other hand, the establishment of the Zangezur Corridor will reduce Iran's neighbors from 15 to 14 countries, and as a result, Iran's strategic interests and geopolitical importance will be affected at the regional level. However, during the period of sanctions against Russia by Europe, this communication route helps Moscow to circumvent the sanctions. On the other hand, the developments in Ukraine have changed Russia's position in the South Caucasus, and Muscovites are exerting their influence in Georgia, the Republic of Azerbaijan, and Armenia, which is implemented through the Zangezur Corridor. Therefore, the interests and strategic goals of Iran and Russia in this field are not only different but conflicting.

The existence of an enemy, common rival or threat is another factor of strategic relations. Although in recent years, Russia and Iran supported each other in their enmity with Western countries, with the new president taking office in Iran and announcing his positions on managing tensions with the West, the Russian authorities have concluded that before any action by Iran, should take action to open new fronts and show Tehran that they can change the entire equations of the region to the detriment of Iran with just one meeting and a few contacts. Russia's insistence on creating the Zangezur Corridor is actually a gift that Putin gives to Iran's regional rivals, Türkiye and the Republic of Azerbaijan because Türkiye can deliver its goods to the Republic of Azerbaijan through Zangezur and through the Caspian Sea to Central Asia, and Azerbaijan finds a direct way to European countries.

The existence of understanding about the international system and the rules of activism in it is another component of strategic partners. Although both Iran and Russia have a revisionist approach to the Western rules of the international system and demand that their role be recognized in the international system, Russia's revisionism is within the framework of the system, while Iran's revisionism is anti-systemic. As a country that is pursuing the identity of a great power, Russia has never sought to withdraw from the management of global crises and issues, and in this regard, whenever necessary, it has aligned itself with Western countries and supported multilateral international sanctions against Iran. Now that Western countries are supporting Ukraine in the form of NATO, Russia, while exploiting Iran's aid, has not put all its eggs in our country's basket, and by using its power components, it has played different cards in managing the crisis in Ukraine. Some of them, such as the Zangezur Corridor, are completely detrimental to Iran.

In relation to the existence of political will in the leaders, it seems that due to the difference in power levels between Iran and Russia, the Kremlin does not have the will to upgrade its relations with Tehran to the level of strategic relations and prefers to keep the relationship with Iran in this interest-oriented state. In fact, Russia, as a great power on a global scale, can play with the cards of regional actors such as Iran at any time according to its own interests and change the equations of the region according to its will. Unfortunately, the numerous problems and imbalances that the Islamic Republic of Iran has had in its foreign policy in recent years have made this type of abuse possible for Russia.

Based on this, it seems that the relations between Iran and Russia are not of the type of strategic cooperation but rather forced or cautious cooperation to deal with temporary crises and only contain elements of strategic relations. This issue is a bitter reality that can have dangerous implications in foreign policy because one of the important conditions for successful action of countries in the international arena and securing national interests and security is having many strategic allies. Therefore, measures should be taken so that Russia leaves the level of these temporary relations and considers itself committed to establishing some kind of stable and strategic relations with Iran. In order to achieve this goal and transform relations with Russia to a strategic level, Iran must achieve the level of power in the region that Russia finds itself forced to negotiate and understand with the Islamic Republic for entering regional affairs and playing a role in West Asia and, as a result, gaining international prestige. Undoubtedly, establishing a balance in foreign policy and Iran benefiting from various options to advance its goals and interests will be a positive and effective step in this field.

Mohammad Mehdi Mazaheri, university professor

 (The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not purport to reflect the opinions or views of the IPIS)

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